Thursday 30 September 2021

Lupine Publishers | Handling, Processing and Utilization Practices of Milk Products in Raya, the Southern Highlands of Tigray, Ethiopia

 Lupine Publishers | Journal of Food and Nutrition


Cross-sectional study conducted with the aim of assessing milk products handling, processing and to characterize utilization practices in dairy farmers of Ofla, Endamekoni and Embalaje highlands of Southern Tigray, Ethiopia. A total of 156 households possessing a dairy farmers, of which 47 urban, 20 periurban and 89 rural were studied using Probability proportional to size approach sample determination. Using butter as hair ointment and custom of dying white close. About 42.31% respondents sell fresh milk, 1.92% buttermilk and yoghurt, 98.08% butter to consumers of which 93.26% of them were rural respondents. Local vessels were treated with different plant materials by cleaning and smoking. Milking vessels used ‘gibar’, plastic materials and ‘karfo’, milk souring utensils ‘qurae’ made of clay pot, plastic vessels or gourd; ghee storing 66.03% respondents in plastic, 30.13% used ’qurae’ and 3.21% use stainless steel vessels. There was significant (p<0.05) difference in the use of churning vessels in the study area where 93.6% of respondents use ‘Laga’ while the others use water tight plastic vessel.

Butter handling practice, is using ‘qorie’ :- Glass, stainless steel, log, ‘gibar’, plastic and gourd. The log ‘qorie’ was best butter handling. Butter milk (‘awuso’) and spiced butter milk ‘hazo’ stored in clay pot, plastic and stainless steel of the different milk products. Plants species used to improve milk products shelf life, cleaning and smoking of utensils includes: Olea europaea, Dodoneae angustifohia and Anethum graveolens; while Cucumis prophertarum, Zehneria scabra sonder and Achyranthes aspera were naturally rough to clean grooves of the clay pot and churner. The practice could be a base line study to cope up the problems in health risks, quality, taste and shelf life of milk products. Due attention for indigenous practices could be vital to improve livelihood of farmers’.

Keywords: Milk handling and Processing, Preservative plants


In Ethiopia, the traditional milk production system, which is dominated by indigenous breeds of low genetic potential for milk production, accounts for about 98% of the country’s total annual milk production. Processing stable marketable products including butter, low moisture cheese and fermented milk provided smallholder producers with additional cash source, facilitate investment in milk production, yield by products for home consumption and enable the conservation of milk solids for future consumption [1]. According to Lemma [2], storage stability problems of dairy products exacerbated by high ambient temperatures and distances that producers travel to bring the products to market places make it necessary for smallholders to seek products with a better shelf-life/ modify the processing methods of existing once to get products of better shelf-life. Smallholders add spices in butter as preservative and to enhance its flavour for cooking [3]. Farmers rely on traditional technology to increase the storage stability of milk products either by converting the milk to its stable products like butter or by treating with traditional preservatives [4]. Identification and characterization of these traditional herbs and determination of the active ingredients and methods of utilization could be very crucial in developing appropriate technologies for milk handling and preservation in the country [2].

The contribution of milk products to the gross value of livestock production is not exactly quantified (Getachew and Gashaw, 2001). The factors driving the continued importance of informal market are traditional preferences for fresh raw milk, which is boiled before consumption, because of its natural flavour, lower price and unwillingness to pay the costs of processing and packaging. By avoiding pasteurizing and packaging costs, raw milk markets offer both higher prices to producers and lower prices to consumers (Thorpe et al. 2000; SNV 2008). Packaging costs alone may add up to 25% of cost of processed milk depending on packaging type used. Polythene sachets are cheaper alternatives (SNV, 2008). ‘When there is no bridge, there is always other means!’ [5], that the highland dairy farmers coping mechanisms to exploit their milk products rely up on local plant endowments even though it is not quantified.

Unlike the ‘Green Revolution’ in crop production, which was primarily supply- driven, the ‘White Revolution’ in developing economies would be demand-driven [6]. In Ethiopia, particularly, the highlands of Southern Tigray, where previous research is very meagre, the dairy products, mainly milk, butter and cheese are peculiarly exploited products than any other areas since long period of time but the doubt is their extent of production in comparison to their demand, nutritional needs and economic values, that is why the objective of this paper has targeted on the main dairy products exploitation degree in relation to the livestock resource potential. Thus research objectives are :

To identify milk production practices and constraints in the study area, and

To assess milk products handling, processing and utilization practices and methods.

Materials and Methods

Description of the Study Area

The research was conducted in Embalaje, Endamekoni and Ofla Wereda of Southern Tigray, from December, 2011-February 2012. The districts are located from 90-180 km south of Mekelle city & 600-690Km north of Addis Ababa. The study area is categorized as populated highland of the country where land/household is 0.8ha. Maichew is located at 12° 47’N latitude 39° 32’E longitude & altitude of 2450 m.a.s.l, and has 600-800mm rainfall, 12-24oC temperature, and 80% relative humidity. Korem is sited on 120 29’ N latitude, 39o 32’E longitude and Adishehu is located on 120 56’N latitude and 390 29’E longitude [7].

Study Population and Sampling Procedures

Data was analyzed using SPSS & excel. Household respondent used as sampling unit in the study and sample size determination was applied according to the formula recommended by

Arsham [8] for survey studies: SE = (Confidence Interval)/ (Confidence level) = 0.10/2.58 = 0.04, n= 0.25/SE2 = 0.25 / (0.04)2= 156

Where, confidence interval=10% and confidence level=99%

Where: N- is number of sample size

SE=Standard error, that SE is at a maximum when p=q =0.5,

With the assumption of 4% standard error and 99% confidence level.

Figure 1: Act of milk processing a) Cucumis prophertarum milk vessel scrubbing b) and c), churner smoking using Anethum graveolens d) Act of churning ; e) A grass inserted in to churner (‘Laga’) to determine ripeness of butter f) g) and h) Butter separation and i) Butter bathing in water.



Milk Processing and Utilization Practices in Highlands of Southern Tigray

Churning: The dairy farmers practiced traditional milk processing to increase shelf life and diversify the products as soured milk, buttermilk, hazo, whey, butter and ghee that have significant nutritional, socio-cultural and economical values. ‘Laga’ hamaham (Cucurbita pepo) gourd was used in 93.6% of respondents of the study areas to churn, that could hold about 10-15 litres of accumulated milk. Procedurally Laga is washed and smoked, they heated the yoghurt to speed up butter fat globule formation, pour to the churner for churning and then let air from the churner in 15 minutes interval rest then finally, they insert a grass to check up its ripeness and pour in widen vessel to squeeze out the fat globules formed from butter milk (Figure 1). Fermented milk- yogurt “Ergo”, a traditionally fermented milk product, semi solid with a cool pleasant, aroma and flavour, used as unique medicine “tsimbahlela” during emergence and revive a person from shock and dehydration that’s why a cow is respected and considered as common resource of the surrounding in the study areas.

Buttermilk (‘awuso or huqan’) is a by-product of butter making from fermented milk. Buttermilk is either directly consumed within the family or heated to get whey/‘mencheba/aguat’ for children and calf consumption and cottage cheese known as ‘Ajibo/ayib’ for family. hazo-Fermented buttermilk with spices to extend shelf life and to provide special aroma and flavour for special occasions like socio-cultural festivals termed ‘hazo’. In holidays, 96% of dairy owners practice hazo gifts to their neighbours about a litre to each household. Even a widow who engaged in herding calves to earn weekly rebue milk, give hazo to neighbours with no milking cows. Ghee (‘Sihum’) or butter oil prepared from cows or goats milk was a special ingredient of holiday dish in majority of the dairy farmer respondents. Besides to its nutritional, ease of storage, ghee is more preferred asset for its nutrional content, ease of storage and longest shelf life, with minimum spoilage followed by butter 6 months, while shelf life of hazo is 2 weeks.

Fresh milk, yoghurt, buttermilk, whey, cottage cheese (‘Ajibo’), hazo (spiced fermented butter milk), butter and ghee (‘Sihum’) were among the common dairy products in the area with varying degree, that of fresh milk and yoghurt, were reserved for further processing, while hazo and ghee were consumed occasionally. Concerning to milk utilization, the rural household dairy farmers dominantly used the available milk for family food consumption. Dairy farmers were categorized based on marketable milk products that 98.08% of them sell butter, 77.56% of them sell fresh milk, 4.49% of them sell buttermilk and 1.92% of the respondents sell yoghurt .where as none of the respondents sell ghee, cheese, whey and hazo milk products. A farmer remarked as “honey is for a day while milk is for a year!” indicating the nutritional significance to invest for beloved family. Majority of the dairy owners were intimated with their neighbours for they do have social ties and they share animal products like the priceless life saving ‘tsimbahlela’- yoghurt during emergencies.

Milk Products Handling and Processing Vessels: Clay pot, gourds, some unreliable sourced iron and plastic containers are used for liquid milk while broad leaves like castor oil and grass weaved could serve as butter handling materials, which have sanitation problems because of grooved and irregular shapes. However, dairy farmers adapted and appreciate the rough nature of the gourds (qorie for butter storage, qurae for souring, Laga for churning and karfo for milking) and clay pots as souring and heating vessels for it absorb smoke (the disinfectant and preservative).

Milking vessels used in the study area were gibar (woven grass smeared by Euphorbia tirucelli sabs) in 9.62%, plastic jogs in 55.13% and log ‘karfo’ in 35.26% respondents. Souring vessel used by respondents was 16% clay pot, 54.5% plastic, and 29.5% gourd made of Cucurbita pepo (hamham). Ghee storage practice of the respondents was also 66.03% in plastic/ glass vessels, followed by 30.13% in clay pot termed as ‘qurae or tenqi’ and 3.21% in stainless steel vessels. gibar or agelgil was more used in Embalaje Wereda followed by Endamekoni and Ofla areas. There was significant (P<0.05) difference in churning vessel use in the study area that gourd ‘Laga’ user respondent were 93.6% while other water tight plastic vessel churner user respondents were 6.4%.

Butter handling practiced in general in ‘qorie’ type of material. Based on the respondents’ information where to store butter is stored in 2.6% glass, 6.5%)stainless steel, 7.1%log, 14.2% woven grass termed locally as ‘gibar /‘agelgil’, 17.4% plastic vessels and 52.3% gourd. Respondent remarked gourd as well insulated but difficult to in and out butter than woven grass. The log qorie was best butter handling, but not easily accessible these days because of deforestation problems that some do get from Afar region. Butter milk termed as ‘Awuso or huqan’ and spiced butter milk ‘hazo’ vessel practiced in clay pot, plastic and stainless steel. Fresh milk and butter milk boiled in stainless steel (71%) or clay pot (29%) while butter extracted in to ghee using clay pot (Table 1).

Table 1: Comparative respondents number in the study areas based on milk handling utensils.

Data in bracket indicate proportion of respondents who used the milk product vessels.

Plants used to Clean (Scrub) Vessels of Milk Products

The dominant milk vessel washing herbs used in all the study areas were Cucumis prophertarum (‘ramborambo’) that prevent defragmentation of yoghurt from rarely souring problems and multi-medicinal value of their livestock, Zehneria scabra (L. fil) sonder (‘hafafelos or hareg rasha’) and Achyranthes aspera (‘mechalo’) were all rough in nature to clean the grooves of the clay pot (‘qurae’) and churner (‘Laga’) besides to their disinfectant nature. Rumex nervosus, Rhus glutinosa, and Asystasia gangetica were alternatively used. Sida schimperiana was blamed to wash clay pot which used for local brewery vessels alone, but very rare respondent argued as alternatively scrubbing vessels of milk products (Table 2).

Table 2: Plants used to clean milk product vessels in highlands of Southern Tigray.

N= Number of respondent used to practice.

Many respondent prefer Cucumis prophertarum to speed up fermentation and uniform fat texture of yoghurt. Zehneria scabra is a multifunctional herb used by many people, women in particular exploited for its medicinal value, could act as disinfectant. Olea europaea was a multifunctional tree, its leaf alternatively served to clean milk vessels that rural dairy farmers in particular 31.03% of respondents from Ofla followed by 25% respondents of Emba- Alaje, dominantly used it for scrubbing while the urban dairy respondents do have access of the dry wood to smoke. The usage of such plants along with the locally available vessels led the tradition of milk utilization practices, preferable more than technological innovation, for the immense natural aroma and flavour.

Plants used for Smoking the Milk Vessels: Three dominant plants exploited for smoking milk vessels were Olea europeana, Dodoneae angustifohia and Anethum graveolens in decreasing order in the study areas, just for fumigation, extend shelf-life, aroma and flavour due to scent scenario of the plants. Household preference and agro-ecology difference could contribute to the variety plant usage that Emba-Alaje Wereda respondents alternatively used smoke of Jasminum abyssinicum (‘habi-tselim’), ‘hazti’ and ‘qusne’ that were distinctive to the peak highlands of Tsibet and Alaje mountain chains. Accacia etbica, Asystasia gangetica and Cassia arereh were also another resource to all study sites. Optionally Terminalia brownie (‘qerenet’) was typical to Ofla Wereda (Table 3).

Table 3: Plants used to smoke milk product vessels in highlands of Southern Tigray.

NA.= Not Available

Plant Species used in Ghee (‘Sihum’) Making: The amount of spice ingredients used in ghee preparation varies from household to household according to experience and access. Curcuma longa (‘erdi’) served as colouring agent of ghee that majority of respondents deemed yellowish ghee colour is attractive. The ghee spices add value in terms of shelf-life, scene (aroma & flavour) and nutritional combinations of special ingredients (Table 4).

Table 4: Plant spices used in ghee (‘Sihum’) making in the study areas.

Spices used in hazo Preparation: Out of 1088 citation for hazo preparation spices (Table 5) recorded according to priority were: Allium sativum (14.34%), Brassica hirta/Sinapis alba (14.34%), Trigonaella foenum-graecum (14.34%), Ruta chalepensis (13.6%), Carthamus tinctorius (9.01%), Ruta chalepensis (8.9%), Hordium vulgar (7.26%), Capsicum annuum (6.99%), Allium cepa (5.52%), Guizotia abyssinica (3.49%) and Piper nigrum (33). Besides to ingredient value, the spices added in hazo enhance shelflife through fermentation of buttermilk.

Table 5: Plant species used in hazo making in the study areas.

Butter Packaging Practices: Based on respondents’ preference of butter packaging leaves 62.18% of the respondents used Racinus communis, 1.92% used Cassia arereh and 1.28% used Cordia africana plant leaf used as butter packaging material in the study areas. 34.62% of the respondents from urban and periurban prefer plastic package than leaves. According to some respondents the leaves were used culturally and practically for no effect over all butter property, being smooth and larger size uniformly, no butter wastage remains there, moreover, the leaf provide protection from heat. Concerning to utensil ‘qorie-log /gourd or gibar was mentioned according to their preferences based on heat protection for the butter. However, butter traders do prefer to hold on larger sized plastic pail or other stainless vessels. The effect of the packaging leaf on the quality and characteristics of butter deserves further investigation.


The mean value of family size in the study areas 4.6±1.84 persons was comparable to CSA [7] report which was 4.5 for Endamekoni, 4.29 for Ofla and 4.36 persons for Embalaje. With the poor access of technological preservatives and processing utensils, milk products could have been perished, but many thanks to the indigenous knowledge practices of plant uses to speed up fermentation, to prevent milk spoilage and to enhance butter colour, milk products aroma and flavour supported with reports of Lemma [2]; Asaminew [3] and Hailemariam & Lemma [9].

Based on the keen observation, dauntless courage and optimism of the dairy farmers’ information, some plant such as Asystasia gangetica L. ‘giribia’ used in smoking milk utensils, just to give reddish colour of the butter, was blamed for milk bitterness that should be further investigated. Three dominant plants exploited for smoking milk vessels were Olea europaea, Dodoneae angustifohia and Anethum graveolens and the dominant milk vessel washing herbs used were Cucumis prophertarum that prevent fat defragmentation & souring problems and multi-medicinal value of their livestock, Zehneria scabra sonder and Achyranthes aspera were all rough in nature to clean the grooves of the clay pot and churner besides to their disinfectant nature. This agrees with the finding of Amare (1976); Ashenafi [4]; Lemma [2]; Asaminew [3]; Hailemariam & Lemma [9] that smoking reduced undesirable microbial contamination and enhances the rate of fermentation.

The study is similar in souring as stated by Ashenafi [4] that dairy processing, in Ethiopia, from naturally fermented milk, with no defined starter cultures used to initiate it. In many parts of Ethiopia, milk vessels are usually smoked using wood splinters of Olea europaea to impart desirable aroma to the milk. Smoking of milk containers is also reported to lower the microbial load of milk. Plant leaves of Racinus communis (‘gulei’) followed by Cassia arereh (‘hambohambo’) and Cordia africana (‘awuhi’) used as butter packaging material dominantly. The present study shows that Racinus communis and Cassia arereh are typical plant leaves to the study areas unlike Cordia africana that was reported in Hailemariam & Lemma [9] in East Shoa. Spices used in ‘hazo’ preparation were Allium cepa, Allium sativum, Brassica hirta/Sinapis alba, Capsicum annuum, Carthamus tinctorius, Guizotia abyssinica, Piper nigrum, Ruta chalepensis, Sativium vulgar, and Trigonaella foenum-graecum. Asaminew [3] reported about ‘metata ayib’ in Bahir-Dar that is relevant utilization practice of milk products.

Storage materials preference was based on their ability to retain flavour of fumigants and herbs used. Gourd ‘Laga’ or rarely water tight plastics were churning vessels of the study area unlike to clay pot churner reported by Alganesh [10] for East Welega and Asaminew [3] in Bahirdar. Alganesh reported that gourds were used commonly for storage and even for milking purpose. This indicates that the utensils used for milking, processing and storage were different from place to place and even from household to household. Efficient churning materials could contribute to lesser time and energy requirement besides to the economic return of higher butter yield for small holder dairy who do suffer from discouraging market during fasting of lent. Inefficient churner use contributed to less butter exploitation as stated by researchers (O Conner [11]; Alganesh [10]; Zelalem [5]).

Fresh milk, yoghurt, buttermilk, whey (mencheba), cottage cheese (Ajibo), hazo, butter and ghee (‘Sihum’) were among the common dairy products in the area with varying degree, that of fresh milk and yoghurt, were reserved for further processing, while hazo and ghee were consumed occasionally. The result is consistent with many of the research findings Lemma [2]; Asaminew [3] & Zelalem [5]. The limited consumption of butter may be due to the higher price associated with it and the need for cash income to buy some necessities. Butter can fetch them a good price compared to other milk products. Butter was consumed only during holidays and special occasions in rural low-income households because it fetches routine cash income Asaminew [3].

Different spices were used in ghee making. The finding was consistent with the reports of Alganesh [10] in East Wellega, Lemma [2] and Hailemariam and Lemma (2010) in East Shoa. Ghee was not marketed in the areas surveyed due to consumers’ preference to make their own ghee depending on their test and preference for different spices that the finding has close affinities with Hailemariam & Lemma [9]. Compatibly with Asaminew [3], consumers /traders consider the colour, flavour, texture and cleanness of the products during transaction, that butter quality requirements fetch a good price. During the dry seasons butter price increase, this is related to abridged milk yield of cows due to the insufficient feed supply. Higher price was also paid for yellow coloured and hard textured butter that deemed to be higher in dry matter or solid non fat for extraction consistent with reports Asaminew [3].

In the districts those smallholders who do not sell fresh milk had different reasons. These were small daily production of fresh milk, cultural barrier, lack of demand to buy fresh whole milk and preference to process the milk into other products. Similar reports were made by Alganesh [10] and Lemma [2]. Besides, it is difficult to find a market. Typical to the research observation on milk marketing problems, the Ethiopian highland smallholder produces a small surplus of milk for sale. The informal system where the smallholder sells surplus supplies to neighbours or in the local market, either as liquid milk or butter but contradict in cottage-type cheese called ayib. Sintayehu [12] selling that was unusual including buttermilk, ‘hazo’, whey, cottage cheese and ghee. In the vicinity of larger towns the milk producer has a ready outlet for his liquid milk. However, in rural areas outlets for liquid milk are limited due to the fact that most smallholders have their own milk supplies and the nearest market is beyond the limit of product durability like to many of the studies done (Getachew and Gashaw (2001); Sintayehu [12]; SNV (2008); Tesfaye et al. (2010)) besides to cultural traditions and lower talents entrepreneurship of the farmers.

Many research findings similarly stated that there were several constraints to the dairy in particular to milk marketing development, e.g. lack of infrastructure and finance, seasonality of supplies and lack of market structure and facilities [3]. Because of the lack of cooling facilities or even suitable utensils for milking and storing, milk deteriorates rapidly [11]. Milk is often sold for less than its full value due to lack of access to markets, poor road infrastructure, lack of co-operatives, inability to transport long distances due to spoilage concerns, and unscrupulous traders who add water or other fillers the study was consistent with PPLPI (2009) and cultural taboos and discouraging market [3]. Contrary to perceived public health concerns, the marketing of raw milk does not pose public health risks as most consumers boil milk that consistent was Kurwijila [13] and exploit local herbal resources to smoke and clean the milk products vessels that served as disinfectant, preservative, tasteful with natural aroma and flavour Asaminew [3] ; Desalegn [14] & Zelalem [5] before drinking it.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Livestock production plays an important role in the socioeconomic and cultural life of the people inhabiting in the mountainous chains of the area. The cows fulfil an indispensable role for the dairy farmers serving as sources drought ox, milk food, income from sale of butter, the only determinant women hair lotion, source of dunk cake fuel and served as prestige and confidence to avert risks. The respondent remarked “Wedi Lahimika -for own bull and no one could cheer you what a cow could do indeed” to mean reliable resource and do have special dignity for the cow.

Milk produced every day was collected in the collection clay pot, plastic vessels or ‘Laga’ smoked with woods called Olea europeana, Dodoneae angustifohia, Anethum graveolens Acacia etbaica, Terminalia brownie, and in some cases Cassia arereh and the dominant milk vessel washing herbs used were Cucumis prophertarum that prevent yoghurt from defragmentation during rarely souring problems and multi-medicinal value of their livestock, Zehneria scabra (L. fil) sonder and Achyranthes aspera were all rough in nature to clean the grooves of the clay pot and churner besides to their disinfectant nature. As reported by respondents, the purpose of smoking was to minimize products spoilage during storage and to give good aroma and flavor. Keeping milk or milk product for longer period without spoilage and flavor was indicated as main reasons for using plants in washing (scrubbing) dairy utensils [15].

Materials Commonly used for Milk Collection Storage and Processing included Clay Pot, Glass Container, Wooden Container, Plastic Container, Woven Materials, Plastic Container and Gourd

1. The emerging markets of buttermilk and yoghurt in farm gates should be expanded to other means of marketing systems via integrated awareness creation

2. The effect of these materials on the shelf- life of stored or preserved butter deserves further investigation. The impact of local herbs used as preservatives should be further studied [15].

3. Facilities for cleaning and overnight storage, milk churns and dairy utensils are rudimentary, requiring intervention.

Read More Lupine Publishers Journal of Food and Nutrition Please Click on Below Link:

Wednesday 29 September 2021

Lupine Publishers| A Simple Mathematical Model for a New Type of Cancer Cells

 Lupine Publishers| Journal of Biostatistics & Biometrics


Recently new type of cancer cells has been observed. It is called Hybrid cells. A simple mathematical model is proposed to describe them. It implies that they will be near the tumor surface or circulating. Some comments about the possibility of their reaching brain are given.


Hybrid tumor Cells

Recently [1,2,3,4] hybrid tumor cells have been discovered. They have the following properties:

a) They circulate more than ordinary tumor cells.

b) They have greater ability to migrate and invade other tumors.

c) They have greater ability to form metastases.

Motivated by this the following simple model is presented:

Let N1, N2 be the ordinary and hybrid tumor cells respectively. Let N=N1+N2 hence the tumor growth can be represented by


The equilibrium solution for the coexistence of both types is:


It is unstable.

The single species solution is


And it is stable if r1>2/3.

Hence the following conclusion is reached: If r2 > r1 > 2 / 3 then most tumors consist of ordinary (non-hybrid) cells. Hybrid cells exist near tumor surface OR circulate.


Since hybrid cells have a greater ability to invade other cells, it is expected that they will invade brain cells. Hence brain diseases can be a good source for identifying them. Moreover, trying to attract them to less important sites can be a feasible strategy to deal with them. It will be difficult to test this idea experimentally, because the hybrid state will not be stable.

Read More About Journal of Biostatistics & Biometrics Please Click on Below Link:

Monday 27 September 2021

Lupine Publishers| Effect of Laser Welding Parameters on Porosity of Welds in Cast Magnesium Alloy AM50

 Lupine Publishers| Journal of Material Science


Pores in the weld metal lower the mechanical properties of the weld. It is therefore important to understand the pore formation mechanisms and find procedures that could reduce porosity. This study focused on laser welding of 3 mm thick magnesium alloy AM50, investigating how different parameters affect porosity formation. Low levels of porosity content were achieved by either increasing the welding speed or using a two-pass welding approach. It was found that higher welding speeds did not allow pores, which were pre-existing from the die-casting process, to have sufficient time to coalesce and expand. In the two-pass welding technique, pores were removed as a result of a degassing process which occurred through the second pass.

Keywords: Laser welding; Magnesium, Cast; Metallurgy; Porosity; Automotive; AM50


Magnesium alloys are light-weight metals suitable for applications in several industries, such as automotive and aerospace. Compared with most materials they provide a possibility to reduce weight due to their high specific strength. However, their tensile strength is low (190-310MPa) compared with steels, which may limit their application; for example, to car interior parts such as seat frames, steering wheels or structural dashboard cross beams [1-4]. A common magnesium alloy is AM50 (4.4-5.5 wt% Al, 0.26-0.6 wt% Mn) which, compared with other magnesium alloys, is of relatively high strength, high hardness, high elongation and has excellent castability. Often magnesium alloys are cast into complex shapes using high pressure die-casting [5-8]. An alternative is to cast less complicated parts and join them by welding, commonly by tungsten inert gas (TIG) or metal inert gas (MIG) welding [2]. An alternative is laser welding, where high power densities are attained with small welding spots, allowing relatively high welding speed and low heat inputs to be achieved. Low heat input is an advantage for many metallic materials as a narrow fusion zone and HAZ will form, reducing negative effects on material properties [2]. Laser welding of magnesium alloys was reviewed by [9], who stated that crack-free laser welds with low porosity and good surface quality could be obtained when using appropriate welding parameters. Nevertheless, magnesium alloys may exhibit many processing problems and weld discontinuities, such as an unstable weld pool, spatter, drop-through, sagging, undercut, porosity, cracking, and oxide inclusions. Pores in the weld metal lower especially the tensile strength and may have a deleterious effect on fatigue performance if surface breaking. Therefore, it is important to understand the pore formation mechanisms and find procedures that could be used to reduce pore formation [2,10]. Porosity in welded magnesium alloys has been the subject of a number of previous investigations [2,10-15]. In these studies, a range of different factors have been found to cause pore formation including: hydrogen, an unstable keyhole, pre-existing pores from the die-cast process, surface condition, gas entrapment, and alloying elements with a low vaporization temperature. In studies by [15] and [11] porosity in laser welded AM60B (Mg-alloy with 5.5-6.5 wt.% Al and 0.24-0.6 wt.% Mn) was investigated. Pre-existing pores in the base metal coalesced and expanded in the weld metal during welding resulting in large diameter pores [16] presented three solutions to avoid porosity; specifically, removing the oxide layer with a separate plasma arc before welding, use of dual laser beam welding or using a two-pass laser welding procedure. The best results were obtained using a two-pass welding, with a pre-heating configuration for the first laser pass. However, a systematic study of how different parameters affect the amount of porosity in laser welded AM50 has not been previously performed. This study was therefore initiated to investigate how different parameters affect porosity formation in laser welded AM50, with the overall aim to ensure that high quality welds can be produced reliably and reproducibly. Investigations were undertaken on 3mm thickness AM50, since this is of common interest to many potential applications.



Die-cast magnesium alloy AM50 sheets of dimensions 3(T) x100(L)x170(W) mm were welded. The composition according to ISO 16220(00) and the composition measured with glow-discharge optical emission spectroscopy are presented in Table 1.

Table 1: Composition of AM50 magnesium in wt.%. ISO 16220(00) and measured values are shown.



Figure 1: Schematic image of the laser welding setup. A trailing gas shielding was used on the top side with a ‘panpipe’ design, and root gas was applied through a 10mm wide efflux channel in the fixture along the weld line.


Welding was performed with an IPG 10kW fiber laser with a delivery fiber of 200μm core diameter. A 120mm focal length collimator lens and a 400mm focal length focusing lens were used, giving a nominal beam width of 0.66mm diameter the optics were aligned perpendicular to the sheet with the beam width on the top surface of the workpiece. Bead-on-plate welds, 100mm in length, were produced. Argon gas with a purity >99.99% (gas type I1 to ISO 14175:2008) was used as shielding gas at the top and root sides, with flow rates of 40 l/min and 5 l/min, respectively. On the top side a trailing gas shielding was used with a ‘panpipe’ design. The root gas was applied through a 10mm wide efflux channel in the fixture along the weld line Figure 1. Laser welding parameters and surface conditions were varied to study their influence on porosity formation. The welding parameters varied were power, welding speed and focus position (the laser beams minimum diameter with respect to the top surface of the workpiece). The surface condition was varied through different cleaning procedures, specifically wire brushing (Br), acetone degreasing (A) and grit blasting (Bl). In addition, single or two-pass welding was used Table 2. For the twopass welding, both passes were resulting in full penetration welds i.e. not a pre-heating setup.

Table 2: Parameters and cleaning procedure. Specimens W07 and W08 were welded with two passes. For W07, loose welding soot was removed with a soft brush between the passes.


*Br=Wire brushing, A=Acetone, Bl=Grit blasting


Metallographic cross-sections, both transverse and longitudinal to the welding direction were prepared to study the resulting microstructure and porosity of the welds. The longitudinal sections were cut from the centre of the weld with a length of 20mm. All sections were grinded with 4000 grit paper, and polished with either a 6 or 1μm diamond suspension slurry for the LOM (Light Optical Microscopy) evaluation or and the SEM (Scanning Electron Microscopy) evaluation respectively. When performing LOM, an external ring-shaped light source (directed from the sides onto the sample) was used to provide additional illumination and increase visibility of the pores. This yielded a high contrast image suitable for image analysis using ‘Image J’, an open source Java-based image processing software [17]. A JEOL JSM-7001F field emission SEM equipped with a back-scatter detector and an Oxford Instruments EDS (Energy Dispersive Spectrometry) detector was used for microstructure studies and phase analysis.



EDS analysis showed that the matrix of the as-received AM50 sheet material contained a Mg-Al phase (corresponding to β-Mg17Al12 according to literature [18]), particles of Al- Mn (typically Al8Mn5 [18]) and as Mg-Al oxides Figure 2. Also, occasional cavities were found in the base material. These are most likely shrinkage pores from the high-pressure die-casting process.

Figure 2: Cross section images of AM50 weld obtained using the back scattered detector in SEM showing (a) base material and (b) fusion zone. White areas are a Mg-Al and Al-Mn phases. Black areas are shrinkage pores from die-casting (1), Mg-Al oxides (2) or pores from welding (3).



Figure 3: LOM micrograph of a longitudinal section of W01, obtained using an external ring shaped light source.


Table 3: Transverse and longitudinal cross-sections porosity content, including number of pores in the section as well as area fraction.


*Br=Wire brushing, A=Acetone, Bl=Grit blasting

The porosity analysis was typically performed using images taken of the cross-section’s transverse to the welding direction. Longitudinal section images Figure 3 were also analyzed to verify that the transverse cross-sectional images were representative of the full length of the weld. Table 3 details the number of pores, including the percentage of the fusion zone cross-sectional area covered by pores (hereafter ‘area fraction pores’). The porosity counts in the transverse cross-sections show a good correlation with the porosity counts in the longitudinal cross-sections, suggesting that cross-sectional porosity is representative and can be used for evaluation. The size distribution of pores was analyzed for samples welded at three different welding speeds; specifically, 2m/min (W10), 3m/min (W01) and 4m/min (W11). Most pores had a radius in the range 10-40μm, independent of welding speed. However, for the lowest welding speed (2m/min) some pores exceeded 100μm in radius (Figure 4).

Figure 4: Graph showing the size distibution of pores for three welding speeds: 2 m/min (W10) 3 m/min (W01) and 4 m/min (W11). Most pores were in the size of 10-40 μm. Welding speed 2 m/min has some large pores in the size of >100 μm in radius.

Read More About Lupine Publishers Journal of Material Science Please Click on Below Link:

Lupine Publishers| Breaking into Merck's CCK Patents: the Starting Point of PNB Vesper Life Science to Design and Develop Cholecystokinin(CCK)-Antagonists as Targeted Chemotherapeutics

 Lupine Publishers| Journal  of Drug Designing & Intellectual Properties


Early anti-cancer research was dominated by the development of alkylating agents, followed by the discovery of a variety of anti-metabolites, which were useful anti-viral agents at the same time. Current anti-cancer drugs are designed towards molecular targets in order to reduce their toxicity and to enhance the selectivity on the cancer cells. Within an increasingly growing number of molecular targets, the cholecystokinin, as a neuro modulator, became an important anti-cancer target, especially when it was shown that cholecystokinin regulates the invasiveness of human pancreatic cancer cell lines via the protein kinase C pathway. The low potency and the lack of subtype receptor selectivity of those early non-peptide CCK-antagonists, was improved in the following generations of CCK antagonists. These potent and selective antagonists have shown disappointing results in clinical trials due to a poor bioavailability. Initially cholecystokinin was discussed as growth factor, not only in pancreatic cancer, but also for lung, breast, colon and brain cancer, followed by a detailed discussion of over 20 different chemical classes having been developed to date, mainly for the area of neuroscience. Loxiglumide, CI-988, Devazepide, L-365,260 and YM022 are highlighted including in vivo studies and clinical trials. Moreover, CCK antagonists were found useful in the enhancement of the analgesic effects of morphine and the anti-neo plastic effect of cis-platinium. Clinical trials are ongoing. It is concluded that non peptidal cholecystokinin receptor antagonists are modern, non-toxic anti-cancer agents.

Abbrevations: GI: Gastrointestinal: Bt2cGMP:Dibutyryl Cyclic Guanosine Mono Phosphate; Bt2cGMP:Dibutyryl Cyclic Guanosine Mono Phosphate; CCK: Cholecystokinin


Several gastrointestinal (GI) hormones, such as gastrin, cholecystokinin, and bombesin, have been reported to affect the development of pancreatic cancer. The receptors for these hormones are found in normal and neo plastic pancreatic cells. Activation of these receptors enhances pancreatic carcinogenesis and promotes the growth of established pancreatic carcinoma either in vitro or in vivo. Studies have shown that these GI hormones may play an inhibitory role in the development of pancreatic cancer. In recent years, increasing emphasis has been placed on the effects of GI hormones on cancer invasion and metastasis. As the transition from non-invasion to the invasive state is the crucial event in cancer development, further investigation of the way in which GI hormones affect the invasion and metastasis of pancreatic cancer may be important for the development of new therapeutic approaches with eventual clinical utility [1].

Cholecystokinin (CCK) is produced by I cells of the duodenal and jejunal mucosa and exists most prominently as an eight amino- acid hormone (CCK-8). CCK has been long been recognized as having an effect on the regulation of pancreatic secretion [2] and of gall bladder contraction [3]. Cholecystokinin has also been found in the brain, where it is widely distributed and may therefore have an effect as a neuromodulator or perhaps as a neurotransmitter. CCK is characterized by the a -aminated terminus Trp-Met-Asp- Phe-NH2 aminated sequence. It was initially identified as a 33 amino acid chain [4] and was later synthesized [5]. Subsequent studies have revealed the existence of multiple forms [6,7]. CCK is derived from a primary prepro-CCK polypeptide of 115 residues. After transcription, enzymatic cleavage results in the formation of many different fractions. CCK58, CCK39, CCK33, CCK22, CCK8s (sulphated), CCK8ns (non-sulphated), CCK7, CCK5, CCK4 all of them demonstrate biochemical activity [8]. The predominant circulating form is a sulphated tyrosine residue at position 7. It is important to distinguish between the CCK tetra peptide [9] and octapeptide (Sincalide) [10] as shown in Table 1. Both of them have been extensively studied, particularly in relation to food intake regulation, and have brought a great deal of confusion when it came to anxiety and panic. They have differential affinity for CCK receptors [11,12] different distribution in both the periphery and the brain [13,14] and have various effects on behavior.

Table 1: Amino acid sequence of Cholecystokinin and Penta gastrin fragments.


Cholecystokinin and Cancer

Cholecystokinin (CCK) plays an important role in the invasiveness and the production of matrix metalloproteinase-9 (MMP-9) in human pancreatic cancer cell lines. The pathway of the invasiveness may be associated with MMP-9 of those lines regulated by CCK. Two human pancreatic cancer cell lines were treated with CCK-8 alone, CCK-8 and staurosporine, or CCK-8 and indomethacine. The invasiveness and the production of MMP-9 were decreased with staurosporine but not indomethacine. These results suggest that CCK may regulate the invasiveness and the production of MMP- 9 via protein kinase C in human pancreatic cancer cell lines [15]. Cholecystokinin (CCK) receptors play a role in the development and growth of pancreatic cancers. The expression of mRNA encoding CCK-A and CCK-B receptors in eight human pancreatic tumour cell lines was detected using reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR), but not by RNase protection assays. The K-ras gene, which can be activated by G-coupled protein receptors such as CCK receptors, was mutated in codon 12 in five of the cell lines. In addition, Mia PaCa-2 pancreatic cancer cells did not respond to CCK or gastrin in cell proliferation or focal adhesion kinase (FAK) phosphorylation assays. In contrast, mouse NIH3T3 fibroblasts transfected with human CCK-B receptor (NIH3T3CCK-BR) showed increased proliferation and phosphorylation to the peptides [16].

The gut hormone cholecystokinin exerts various actions on the gastrointestinal tract, including the regulation of growth. The hormone has been reported to induce hypertrophy and hyperplasia of the pancreas and to enhance chemically-induced pancreatic carcinogenesis in animals. Stimulation of endogenous cholecystokinin secretion through the induction of deficiency of intra intestinal proteases and bile salts by trypsin-inhibiting nutrients, bile salt-binding drugs or surgical intervention is also capable of stimulating growth and tumor development in the rat. In man, factors suggested to increase the risk of pancreatic cancer, such as a high-fat and high-protein diet or gastrectomy, are known to stimulate plasma cholecystokinin secretion. Receptors for cholecystokinin have been demonstrated on human pancreatic adenocarcinomas, and cholecystokinin has been demonstrated to enhance the growth of xenografted pancreatic cancer and to inhibit growth of gastric and bile duct cancer [17].

From CNS Drugs to New Anticancer Agents

Gastrointestinal polypeptide hormones regulate growth of various normal gastrointestinal tissues as well as certain visceral cancers [18]. If Cholecystokinin promotes cell growth, CCK antagonists are ideal chemical anti-cancer targets and many scientists have discovered specific peptide and non-peptide antagonists of CCKB/gastrin receptors up to date, mainly for the area of neuroscience. As a result of extensive research, a number of new chemical classes have been developed with a high potency and selectivity towards the cholecystokinin receptor subtypes.

Amino Acid Derivatives

Figure 1: Structures of early amino acid derivatives as CCK antagonist.


During the 1970's amino acid derivatives (Figure 1) were found to contain anti gastrin activity [19,20]. The chemical similarities of gastrin and CCK made it possible for such derivatives to demonstrate CCK antagonist activity. Proglumide, the first putative gastrin antagonist clinically available, has long been used in the treatment of peptic ulcers, because of its anti secretory and gastro protective activities. Several studies have subsequently demonstrated that proglumide is also a weak CCKA receptor antagonist [21] and despite its low potency, it has been the reference CCK and gastrin antagonist for several years.

Rotta research group produced analogues of proglumide, which showed varying degrees of selectivity for CCKA receptors and even suggested possible sub-types of the peripheral receptors. Some derivatives had a higher affinity for pancreatic CCK receptors mediating gallbladder contraction. Lorglumide showed up to a 26-fold increase in potency for blocking CCK-stimulated gallbladder contraction but only a two-fold increase for blocking CCK-stimulated pancreatic amylase secretion [22]. Intravenous administration of Lorglumide [23] antagonized the CCK-induced reduction of gastric emptying in rats, acceleration of intestinal transport in mice, increase in ileal motility in rabbits, gallbladder contraction in guinea pigs and acceleration of gallbladder emptying in mice but showed reduced activity when orally administered. Further structural modifications to Lorglumide resulted in CR2194 (spiroglumide). Spiroglumide exhibited CCKB/gastrin antagonist in the micro molar range, with excellent oral bioavailability. However, it has poor selectivity for CCKB/gastrin receptor, which raises doubts of its potential therapeutic usefulness. The effect of loxiglumide (LXG) was studied on the invasiveness of two human pancreatic cancer cell lines. Cells were treated with LXG for 24 h, and examined in the invasion assay. Interestingly, the invasiveness of cancer cells and expression of MMP-9 were decreased by LXG in a dose-dependent manner [24].

Read More About Journal of Drug Designing & Intellectual Properties Please Click on Below Link:

Saturday 25 September 2021

Lupine Publishers | Influence of Globalization on Environment

 Lupine Publishers| Journal of Oceanography and Petrochemical Sciences

Keywords:Globalization; Feasible; Degradation; Pollution; Stress


Globalization is a process of interaction and integration among the people, Companies and governments of different nations, a process driven by international trade and investment and Aided by information technology. Globalization has also contributed more in environmental degradation as well. It has led to increase in the consumption of products, affected the ecological cycle, increased consumption leads to an increase in the production of goods, which also creates or puts more stress on the environment. Globalization also causes rise in pollution level in the environment. It has also led to an increase in transportation of raw materials and food from one place to another. Transportation has also put a strain on the non renewable sources of energy such as gasoline. Due to globalization depletion of ozone layer, increasement of green house gases enhancement of deforestation, killing of many underwater organism due to overproduction of industrial wastes and ultimately deposition of harmful chemicals in oceans take place.

Some learned person's definitions are presented here with reference to environment as- Girberts "Environment is anything immediately surrounding an object and exerting direct influence on it." Douglas and Holland "the term environment is used to describe in the aggregate all the external factors, influence and conditions which and effect the life, nature, behavior growth development and maturation of living organism." Ross "Environment is any external force which" Woodworth "Environment cover all the outside factors that have acted on the individual since he began his life". Herskovits "Environment is the sum total of all those external conditions and influences which affect the lives and development of living or organic thing."

a) Aim: This study will give some measures to bring harmony between development and environment Sustainability in this globalization world.

b) Result: We thoroughly studied and analyzed the process of globalization and their challenging impacts on our healthy ecosystem and environment. We have to develop some effective mechanism and also support to building a better structure that can check the extent to which it can impact the environment and certainly it would economically feasible and ecofriendly too.


Due to globalization pollution level will become reduce.

Read More About Lupine Publishers Journal of Oceanography Please Click on Below Link:

Friday 24 September 2021

Lupine Publishers | Promising Role of Fractional Calculus in Biomedicine and Biophysics

 Lupine Publishers | Journal of Oncology


The study of complex systems and investigation of their structural and dynamical properties have attracted considerable interests among scientists in general and physicists, biologists and medical researchers in particular. Complex systems can be found almost everywhere however the highest level of complexities is related to living and biological organisms and systems. Due to the lack of a reliable and effective tool to investigate such systems, we have not reached to the complete understanding and comprehensive pictures of the phenomena and processes which occur in these systems. Of course a comprehensive knowledge of biological and biomedical complex phenomena will be achieved when we employ simultaneously different field of science and engineering including: biology, chemistry, physics, mathematics, mechanical engineering and so on.

Fortunately in recent year's powerful tool of fractional calculus has been proposed for study of complex and nonlinear phenomena. It is in fact very useful tool for describing the behavior of nonlinear systems which are characterized by: special kind of non-locality, long-term memory and fractal properties. There exist many biological objects and systems with memory, nonlocal effects and nonlinear behaviors and such these non-localities and memory effects in biological objects and systems mean that the next state of the organism or system relies not only on its present state but also upon all of its previous states. As a result, the concept of fractional dynamics and in fact adopting fractional calculus can play an important role in the study of dynamical biological systems. Up to now few number of important issues such as: protein folding phenomena and mechanics of cancer cells (for more details see the references which have investigated physics of protein and physics of cancer in detail) have been investigated using the framework of fractional dynamics [1].

However many other important issues still remain as open issues, such as: modeling of interactions between light (laser) and biological tissue and modeling of intracellular (and intercellular) interactions in the framework of fractional dynamics. As a physicist or biologists and even medical researchers, we always are able to model natural phenomena for instance modeling of tumor growth using systems of differential equations and nowadays it is well know that the fractional-order ones are more comprehensive and also incorporate memory effect and the concept of non-locality in the model.

Mathematically the idea is in fact, to rewrite the ordinary governing differential equations in the fractional form by replacing the standard derivative with a fractional derivative of arbitrary order which is defined in the Caputo sense as follows:


where Γ denotes the Gamma function and , . And its Laplace transform can be given by:


Where, F(s) is the Laplace transform of f (t). Solutions of fractional differential equations generally will be expressed using a generalized special function named as Mittag-Leffler function. This function can be considered as a generalized exponential function and has several different forms. For instance the one-parameter Mittag-Leffler function is defined by the series expansion as:


Where C is the set of complex numbers? It is worth mentioning that the exponential function is just a special case of α = l Mittag-Leffler function, for example for the special case of , the Mittag-Leffler function Eq. (3) reduces to the exponential function E1(z) = ez . This point is very important because of that the natural exponential function has been considered as a fundamental function of natural science and in particular biology up to now, so that many phenomena could be described using it and now scientist are able to think that with such this new framework (i.e. fractional differential equations and their solutions in terms of Mittag-Leffler functions) they can find many new results and information about biological and biomedical phenomena [2,3].

Finally, based on all above mentioned reasons, as a conclusion we should say that we believe that the powerful tool of fractional calculus and in fact the frame work of fractional dynamics can new insights in understanding and modeling of nonlinear complex phenomena in various living cellular structures and their interactions and we invite all biologist and medical researchers to consider this new powerful approach for their future studies.

Read More About Lupine Publishers Journal of Oncology Please Click on Below Link:

Thursday 23 September 2021

Lupine Publishers | Antidialectics: Vodou and The Haitian Revolution in Opposition to The African American Civil Rights Movement

 Lupine Publishers | Journal of Anthropological and Archaeological Sciences


This work, using a structurationist approach to consciousness constitution, focuses on how and why the purposive - rationality of the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution and Vodou diametrically opposes that of the African American Civil Rights movement and the desires of the Affranchis of Haiti. The author concludes that the antidialectical intent of the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution at Bwa Kayiman (Bois Caiman) was not for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition with whites by reproducing their norms and structure, as in the case of the African American civil rights movement under the purposiverationality of liberal bourgeois black Protestant men. Instead, it was a clarion call, which emerges out of Vilokan/Haitian Idealism, for the reconstitution of a new world order or structuring structure “enframed” by an African linguistic and spiritual community, Vodou and kreyol, respectively, grounded in, and “enframing,” liberty and fraternity among blacks or death. In fact, the author posits that it is the infusion of the former worldview, liberal bourgeois Protestantism via the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism, on the island by the mulatto elites and petit-bourgeois free persons of color, Affranchis, looking to Canada, France, and America for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition that not only threatens Haiti and its practical consciousnesses, Vodou and Kreyol, contemporarily, but all life and civilizations on earth because of its economic growth and accumulative logic within the finite space and resources of the earth.

Keywords: African-Americanization; phenomenological structuralism; Vodou; Religiosity; Black Diaspora; Dialectical; Antidialectical; Haitian Epistemology; Vilokan/Haitian Idealism


The dialectical integration of black Americans into the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism of the West via slavery, the African American civil rights movement, and globalization marks the end of black American history as a distinct African worldview manifesting itself onto the world. A black/African practical consciousness as represented in Haitian Vodou and Kreyol, for example, manifesting itself in praxis and the annals of history via the nation-state of Ayiti/ Haiti is slowly being supplanted by a universal Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism phenotypically dressed in multiethnic, multiracial, and multisexual skins speaking for the world. This latter worldview has not only erased a distinct African practical consciousness among black Americans, but via the African- Americanization of the black diaspora in globalization through the hip-hop culture of the black American underclass, on the one hand, and the prosperity gospel of the black American church and bourgeoisie on the other is seeking to do the same among blacks globally in the diaspora while simultaneously destroying all life on earth [1]. This work focuses on how and why the purposiverationality, antidialectics, of the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution and Vodou diametrically opposes that of the African American Civil Rights movement. The author concludes that the intent of the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution at Bwa Kayiman (Bois Caiman) was not for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition with whites by reproducing their norms and structure, as in the case of the African American civil rights movement under the purposive-rationality of liberal bourgeois black Protestant men, but for the reconstitution of a new world order or structuring structure (libertarian communism) “enframed” by an African linguistic and spiritual community, Vodou and kreyol, respectively, grounded in, and “enframing,” liberty and fraternity among blacks or death. In fact, the author posits that it is the infusion of the former worldview, liberal bourgeois Protestantism via the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism, on the island by the mulatto elites and petit-bourgeois free persons of color, Affranchis, looking to Canada, France, and America for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition that not only threatens Haiti and its practical consciousnesses, Vodou and Kreyol, contemporarily, but all life and civilizations on earth because of its dialectical economic growth and accumulative logic within the finite space and resources of the earth.

Background of the problem

Traditional interpretations of the Haitian Revolution and the black American Civil Rights movement of the 1960s attempt to understand the two sociohistorical phenomena within the dialectical logic of Hegel’s master/slave dialectic [2-4]. Concluding that both events represent a dialectical struggle by the enslaved Africans, who have internalized the rules of their masters, for equality of opportunity, recognition, and distribution within and using the metaphysical discourse of their former white masters to convict them of not identifying with their norms, rules, and values as recursively organized and reproduced by blacks. This traditional liberal bourgeois interpretation of the Haitian revolution attempts to understand its denouement through the sociopolitical effects of the French Revolution when the National Constituent Assembly (Assemblée Nationale Constituante) of France passed la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen or the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in August of 1789. The understanding from this perspective is that the slaves, many of whom could not read or write French, understood the principles, philosophical and political principles of the Age of Enlightenment, set forth in the declaration and therefore yearned to be like their white masters, i.e., freemen seeking liberty, equality, and fraternity, the rallying cry of the French Revolution [4-16].

Although, historically this understanding holds true for the mulattoes and free petit-bourgeois blacks or Affranchis who used the language of the declaration to push forth their efforts to gain liberty, equality, fraternity with their white counterparts as slaveholders and masters as brilliantly highlighted by Laurent Du Bois [3]. This position, I posit here, is not an accurate representation for the Africans who met at Bois Caïman, the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution. The Affranchis, embodied in the person of Toussaint Louverture, for example, like their black American middle class counterparts, dialectically pushed for liberty, equality, and fraternity with their white counterparts at the expense of the Vodou discourse and Kreyol language of the pep, the majority of the enslaved Africans who were not only discriminated against by whites but by the mulattoes and free blacks as well who sought to reproduce the French language, culture, religion, and laws of their former slavemasters on the island [5]. Toussaint believed that the technical and governing skills of the Blancs (whites) and Affranchis would be sorely needed to rebuild the country, along the lines of white civilization, after the revolution and the end of white rule on the island. In fact, Toussaint was not seeking to make Haiti an independent country; but sought to have the island remain a French plantation colony, like Martinique and Guadeloupe, without slavery [3]. Although Dessalines’s nationalistic position, which was similar to Toussaint’s, would become dominant after the capture of Toussaint in 1802, his (Dessalines’s) assassination by a plot between the mulatto, Alexandre Pétion, and Henri Christophe, would see to it that the Affranchis’s purposive-rationality would come to historically represent the ideals of the Haitian quest for independence. This purposive-rationality of the Affranchis, to adopt the ontological and epistemological positions of whites by recursively organizing and reproducing their language and ways of being-in-the-world is, however, a Western liberal dialectical understanding of the events and their desire to be like their white counterparts, which stands against the anti-dialectical purposive rationality, which emerged out of the African/Haitian Epistemology, Vilokan/Haitian Idealism, of Boukman Dutty, Cecile Fatiman, the rest of the maroon Africans who congregated for the Petwo Vodou ceremony at Bois Caïman/ Bwa Kayiman. The difference between what the Africans at Bois Caïman wanted and the aspirations of the mulattoes or Affranchis can be summed up through a parallel or complimentary analysis of the dialectical master/slave relationship of the black American experience with their white masters in America [17-31].

Using a structurationist approach to practical consciousness constitution, what Paul C Mocombe [6] calls phenomenological structuralism, this work compares and contrasts the purposive rationality of the black American civil rights movement with that of the originating moments of the ceremony of Bois Caiman. In keeping with the tenets of phenomenological structuralism, the emphasis is on the ideals of structures that social actors internalize and recursively organize and reproduce as their praxis in the material world. In this case, the argument is that two distinct forms of system and social integration would characterize black American and Haitian life, which made their approaches to slavery and colonialism totally distinct: dialectical on the one hand; and antidialectical on the other [31-48].

Theory and Method

Beginning in the sixteenth century, Africans were introduced into the emerging global Protestant capitalist world social structure as slaves. Given their economic material conditions, their African practical consciousnesses, i.e., bodies, languages, ideologies, etc., were dialectically represented by European whites as primitive forms of being-in-the-world to that of the dominant white Protestant bourgeois social order with the ever-declining significance of Catholicism following the Protestant Reformation [7]. From this sociohistorical perspective, under the “contradictory principles of marginality and integration” [7] the majority of African consciousness in America especially was reshaped as a “racial classin- itself” (blacks), a “caste in class,” forced to embody the structural terms (bourgeois ideals in the guise of the protestant ethic) of the dominant global (capitalist) social relations of production, over all other “alternative” African adaptive responses to its then organizational form, slavery [48-64].

This embodiment or internalization of bourgeois ideals, in the guise of the Protestant Ethic, by the majority of Africans in America amidst their poor material conditions created by the social relations of Protestant capitalist organization, in keeping with traditional readings of the black American struggle for freedom, eventually made the struggle to obtain equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition with their white Protestant bourgeois counterparts amidst racial and class discrimination their goal. This goal, brilliantly captured by W.E.B. Du Bois in his work The Souls of Black Folk, progressively crept into their African based spiritualism, which dialectically subsequently became synthesized with the Protestant Ethic of the global capitalist Protestant social structure leading to the ever-increasing materialization of black American faiths and practical consciousness along the lines of their former white slave masters. Hence, the subsequent aim of the majority of black Americans, as embodied in the black American civil rights movement, became a movement for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition led by liberal black Protestant bourgeois male preachers (hybrid simulacrum of their white colonizers) like Martin Luther King Jr. against alternative responses to enslavement by convicting the society of not identifying with their norms and values, which black Americans embodied and recursively organized and reproduced in their practices [8].

Conversely, the Haitian Revolution as initiated on August 14th, 1791 at Bois Caïman by Boukman Dutty and Mambo Cecile Fatiman was led by various representatives of African nations seeking to recursively reorganize and reproduce their African practicalconsciousness/ thesis, the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism, which emerges out of their African ontology and epistemology, Vilokan/Haitian Idealism, in the world against the bourgeois liberalism of whites and the mulatto or Affranchis class of Haiti, who would subsequently, with the assassination of the houngan, Vodou priest, Jean-Jacques Dessalines in 1806, undermine that attempt for a more liberal purposive-rationale, similar to that of the black American civil-rights movement, that would reintroduce wage-slavery and peonage on the island [64-70].

Haitians celebrate Bois Caïman as the beginning of the Haitian Revolution in August of 1791. At Bois Caïman/Bwa Kay Iman (near Boukman’s house), the Jamaican-born houngan, Vodou priest, Boukman Dutty, initiated the Haitian Revolution on August 14, 1791 when he presided over a Petwo Vodou ceremony in Kreyol in the area, which is located in the mountainous Northern corridors of the island. Accompanied by a woman, the mambo Vodou priestess Cecile Fatiman, taken by the spirits of the lwa/loas, Ezili Danto/ Erzulie Danthor, they cut the throat of a black pig and had all the participants in attendance drink the blood. According to Haitian traditions, Boukman and the participants, via Boukman’s prayer, swore two things to the lwa Ezili Danto, the Goddess of the Haitian nation, present in Fatiman if she would grant them success in their quest for liberty against the French. First, they would never allow for inequality on the island; second, they would serve bondye/ Gran-Met (their good god) and its 401 manifestations, lwaes of Vodou and not the white man’s god “which inspires him with crime:”

Bon Dje ki fè la tè. Ki fè soley ki klere nou enro. Bon Dje ki soulve lanmè. Ki fè gronde loray. Bon Dje nou ki gen zorey pou tande. Ou ki kache nan niaj. Kap gade nou kote ou ye la. Ou we tout sa blan fè nou sibi. Dje blan yo mande krim. Bon Dje ki nan nou an vle byen fè. Bon Dje nou an ki si bon, ki si jis, li ordone vanjans. Se li kap kondui branou pou nou ranpote la viktwa. Se li kap ba nou asistans. Nou tout fet pou nou jete potre dje Blan yo ki swaf dlo lan zye. Koute vwa la libète k ap chante lan kè nou.

The god who created the sun which gives us light, who rouses the waves and rules the storm, though hidden in the clouds, he watches us. He sees all that the white man does. The god of the white man inspires him with crime, but our god calls upon us to do good works. Our god who is good to us orders us to revenge our wrongs. He will direct our arms and aid us. Throw away the symbol of the god of the whites who has so often caused us to weep, and listen to the voice of liberty, which speaks in the hearts of us all [71-75].

That night the slaves revolted first at Gallifet Plantation, then across the Northern Plains. Toussaint Louverture and Jean-Jacques Dessalines would join the rebellion after Boukman was captured and beheaded by the French. And as the proverbial saying goes, the rest is history. Under Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who crowned himself emperor for life, Haiti became the first free black nation-state in the world in 1804, the only successful slave rebellion in recorded history, the first democratic nation, and the second republic after the United States of America in the Western Hemisphere [75-79].

The centering of Vodou and Kreyol are the divergent paths against slavery and liberal bourgeois Protestantism that sets the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution apart, as a distinct phenomenon, from the desires and purposive-rationale of an elite liberal hybrid group, the mulatto elite and black petit-bourgeois class or Affranchis in Haiti and liberal black Protestant bourgeois male preachers of America, seeking to serve as the bearers of ideological and linguistic domination for the black masses in both countries by recursively (re) organizing and reproducing the agential moments of their former colonizers within the logical constraints of Hegel’s master/slave dialectic. To only highlight the latter, liberal bourgeois Protestant initiative, over the former, originating moments of the Haitian revolution, under the purview of a Hegelian master/slave universal dialectic, as so many theorists, including the work, Black Jacobins, of CLR James, and Susan Buck- Morss’s [4], Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History, is to deny the existence of the African practical-consciousness, Haitian Idealism as expressed through the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism, that has been seeking to institute its practical consciousness in the world since the beginning of the slave trade in favor of the liberal bourgeois Protestantism of whites and the mulatto and black petitbourgeois elites who have yet to be able to stamp out, as was done to the black American, the African linguistic system, Kreyol, and practical-consciousness, Vodou, of the Haitian masses, by which Haiti’s provinces have been constituted [79-90].


As in the case of CLR James’s work, Black Jacobins, Susan Buck Morss [4] in her work, Hegel, Haiti, and Universal History attempts to understand the originating moments of the Haitian Revolution metaphorically through Hegel’s master/slave dialectic. Suggesting, in fact, that it is the case of Haiti that Hegel utilized to constitute the metaphor:

Given the facility with which this dialectic of lordship and bondage lends itself to such a reading, one wonders why the topic Hegel and Haiti has for so long been ignored. Not only have Hegel scholars failed to answer this question; they have failed, for the past two hundred years, even to ask it (2009, p. 56).

My position here is that James’s and Morss’s conclusions do not hold true for the Africans who met at Bois Caïman, and only holds true for the case of the Affranchis of Haiti-who usurped, following their assassination of Dessalines, the originating moments of the Revolution from the Africans who met at Bois Caïman-and the black Americans who, in choosing to rebel against their former masters, were not risking death to avoid subjugation, but in rebelling were choosing life in order to be like the master and subjugate.

In Hegel’s master/slave dialectic as Morss explains,

Hegel understands the position of the master in both political and economic terms. In the System der Sittlichkeit (1803): “The master is in possession of an overabundance of physical necessities generally, and the other [the slave] in the lack thereof.” At first consideration the master’s situation is “independent, and its essential nature is to be for itself”; whereas “the other,” the slave’s position, “is dependent, and its essence is life or existence for another.” The slave is characterized by the lack of recognition he receives. He is viewed as “a thing”; “thinghood” is the essence of slave consciousness-as it was the essence of his legal status under the Code Noir. But as the dialectic develops, the apparent dominance of the master reverses itself with his awareness that he is in fact totally dependent on the slave. One has only to collectivize the figure of the master in order to see the descriptive pertinence of Hegel’s analysis: the slaveholding class is indeed totally dependent on the institution of slavery for the “overabundance” that constitutes its wealth. This class is thus incapable of being the agent of historical progress without annihilating its own existence. But then the slaves (again, collectivizing the figure) achieve selfconsciousness by demonstrating that they are not things, not objects, but subjects who transform material nature. Hegel’s text becomes obscure and falls silent at this point of realization. But given the historical events that provided the context for The Phenomenology of Mind, the inference is clear. Those who once acquiesced to slavery demonstrate their humanity when they are willing to risk death rather than remain subjugated. The law (the Code Noir!) that acknowledges them merely as “a thing” can no longer be considered binding, although before, according to Hegel, it was the slave himself who was responsible for his lack of freedom by initially choosing life over liberty, mere self-preservation. In The Phenomenology of mind, Hegel insists that freedom cannot be granted to slaves from above. The self-liberation of the slave is required through a “trial by death”: “And it is solely by risking life that freedom is obtained…The individual, who has not staked his life, may, no doubt, be recognized as a Person [the agenda of the abolitionists!]; but he has not attained the truth of his recognition as an independent self-consciousness.” The goal of this liberation, out of slavery, cannot be subjugation of the master in turn, which would be merely to repeat the master’s “existential impasse,” but, rather, elimination of the institution of slavery altogether (53-56).

The Africans at Bois Caïman, given that they were already recursively reproducing their African practical consciousness in the maroon community of Bois Caïman away from the master/slave dialectic of whites neither cared for the master, nor his structuring metaphysics, but instead wanted to be free to exercise their African practical consciousness, which would be precarious, given the possibility of their re-enslavement if captured, by whites and the Affranchis, who also practiced slavery, remained on the island. In essence, the events at Bois Caïman represented an attempt by the Africans to exercise their already determining independent African self-consciousness against the whites and Affranchis’s dependent self-consciousness which sought to repeat the masters’ “existential impasse.” The liberal Affranchis and the black Americans, in other words, who would lead the civil rights movement, wanted, given that their very practical consciousness was determined by their relations to, and yearning to be like, their masters, rebelled in order to themselves be “free” masters and not an “independent self-consciousness.” In essence, the Affranchis, like their black American counterparts, merely rebelled in order to be like their masters, and sought neither to subjugate the master nor eliminate “the institution of slavery altogether,” since their consciousness as slaves was from the onset revealed to them only through the eyes of the master. Hence, the only other consciousness they had, outside of their slave consciousness, “thinghood,” was that of the master, whose position they desired, and that of the African masses whose practical consciousness they abhorred. But Boukman, Fatiman, and the other maroon Africans of Bois Caïman had their abhorred African Consciousness, which to revert to. The Affranchis, like their black American counterparts did not. Be that as it may, whereas the former sought to institute a new historical/universal, Absolute, order onto the material resource framework of Haiti by invoking the aid of their lwaes/loas to assist them in rooting out the whites and their gods, the latter, like their black American counterparts, wanted to maintain the status quo, the master/slave relationship by which their practical consciousness was constituted, in a national position of their own [91-116].

In other words, black Americans subjectified/objectified in the “Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism” of American society were completely subjectified and subjugated on account of race and class position [8,9]. They were subjectified objects, i.e., slaves, things, whose initial practical consciousness prior to their enslavement was used dialectically by the master, by presenting the practical consciousness of the slave as backwards and damned within the metaphysics of the master’s practical consciousness, against the slave to objectify them as a thing. W.E.B Du Bois, for example, relying on the racial and national ideology of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century theoretically, en framed by Hegel’s master/slave dialectic, conceived of the ambivalence that arose in him as a self-conscious thing, as a result of the “class racism” (Étienne Balibar’s term) of American society, as a double consciousness: “two souls,” “two thoughts,” in the Negro whose aim is to merge these two thoughts into one distinct way of being, i.e., to be whole again [117-125].

After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world, -a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a peculiar sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness, -an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder.

The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife, -this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face. This, then, is the end of his striving: to be a coworker in the kingdom of culture, to escape both death and isolation, to husband and use his best powers and his latent genius [3].

This double-consciousness resulting from his thingness in relation to the master’s consciousness, Du Bois alludes to, in this famous passage of his work The Souls of Black Folk, is not a metaphor for the racial duality of black American life in America [8,9]. Instead, it speaks to Du Bois’s, as a black liberal bourgeois Protestant man, ambivalence about the society because it prevents him from exercising, not his initial African practical consciousness which is “looked on in amused contempt and pity,” but his true (master) American consciousness because of the society’s antiliberal and discriminatory practices, which made him a thing, i.e., slave. Although over time his “thinghood” forced Du Bois to adopt “pan-African communism” against his early beliefs in liberal bourgeois Protestantism, i.e., his desire to be like the masters, whites. Du Bois, in this passage, like the many black Americans who would share his class position and liberal bourgeois Protestant worldview, does not want an independent self-consciousness that is not the masters since the only other consciousness he is familiar with is that of the slaves, but simply wants to be like the collective dependent masters, whites, “without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of Opportunity closed roughly in his face.” His later pan-African communist message simply turns this desire, the attempt to be a master, into a desire to constitute the master/slave dialectic in a national position of his own. But contrary to this later “pan-African communist” message against assimilation for a nationalist position of his own, however, to make themselves whole the majority of black Americans of the civil rights movement, especially, did not yearn for or establish (by averting their gaze away from the eye of power or their white masters) a new independent object formation or totality, based on the initial “message” of their people prior to their encounter with the master, which spoke against racial and class stratification and would have produced heterogeneity into the American capitalist bourgeois world-system; instead, since there was no other “message” but that of the society which turned and represented the “original” African message of their people into inarticulate, animalistic backward gibberish, they (blacks) turned their gaze back upon the eye of power (through protest and success in their endeavors) for recognition as “speaking subjects” of the society seeking not to subjugate the master in a national position of their own but for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition with their white counterparts. Power hesitantly responded by allowing some of them (the hybrid modern “other” liberal bourgeois Protestant) to partake in the order of things, which gave rise to the black American identity, the liberal black bourgeoisie or hybrids, which delimits the desired agential moments of the social structure for all blacks [8-13].

Thus black American protest as a structurally differentiated “class-in-itself” (subjectified/objectified thing) led by this liberal black bourgeoisie within the American protestant bourgeois master/slave order did not reconstitute American society, but integrated the black subjects, whose ideals and practices (acquired in ideological apparatuses, i.e., schools, law, churches (black and white)), as speaking subjects, were that of the larger society, i.e., the protestant ethic, into its exploitative and oppressive order-an order which promotes a debilitating performance principle actualized through calculating rationality, which may result in economic gain for its own sake for a few predestined individuals. The black American, like the early Du Bois of the Souls prior to his conversion to pan-African communism, in a word, became like their masters within the master/slave dialectic, which constituted their historical experiences.

The same can be said for the Affranchis of Haiti, who sought for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition with their blanc counterparts at the expense of the agential initiatives of the Bois Caïman African participants. The Affranchis, like Toussaint, for example, who owned African slaves, rebelled not to eliminate slavery or subjugate the master, but to be a master, like their liberal black American counterparts, through their dialectical claim for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition. Their slave status only revealed to them the “other” consciousness in the dialectic, i.e., the master consciousness. Therefore, their desire was not to be slaves, who had no other consciousness to look to but that of the newly arrived Africans and the maroon Africans, but masters who enslaved the other slaves, i.e., the newly arrived Africans and the marooned Africans, who were not like themselves. This desire of Toussaint, for example, to be like the master, however, was not the aim of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Boukman, Cecile Fatiman, and the other participants at Bois Caïman. The former, Affranchis, like their black American counterpart, wanted equality of opportunity and recognition from, and with, their former white masters by recursively organizing and reproducing their (the slave masters) liberal agential moments; the latter, Boukman, Fatiman, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, and the Africans of Bois Caïman did not, but instead sought to anti-dialectically reify and practice their traditional African ways of life against the purposive-rationality of their former white masters. The slaves at Bois Caïman were already an independent self-consciousness in their maroon communities. They did not share in the “existential impasse” of their masters. The originating Vodou and Kreyol moments of the Revolution was an attempt to get rid of the whites and Affranchis, who desired to be whites, in order that they may recursively organize and reproduce their practical consciousness, not to be like their white masters as Toussaint and the rest of the Affranchis desired. That the Affranchis would come to direct the Revolution after the death of Dessalines October, 17th, 1806, would give rise to their purposive-rationality, their desire for equality of opportunity, distribution, and recognition within the global capitalist social structure, at the expense of the agential moments of Boukman, Fatiman, and the other participants of Bois Caïman who sought to anti-dialectically manifest their selfconsciousness onto the stage of history by evoking the aid of their own Gods to fight against the Gods and metaphysics of the whites and Affranchis who had adopted the purposive-rationality of their white masters [126-133].


Essentially, the Frankfurt school’s “Negative Dialectics” represents the means by which the Du Bois of The Souls, the majority of liberal bourgeois black Americans, and the Affranchis of Haiti confronted their historical situation. The difference between the “negative dialectics” of Du Bois of The Souls, the majority of liberal bourgeois black Americans, the Affranchis, and the discourse or purposive rationality of the enslaved Africans of Bois Caïman is subtle, but the consequences are enormously obvious. For the Frankfurt school, “[t]o proceed dialectically means to think in contradictions, for the sake of the contradiction once experienced in the thing, and against that contradiction. A contradiction in reality, it is a contradiction against reality” (Adorno, 1973 [1966]: 145). This is the ongoing dialectic they call “Negative Dialectics:”

Totality is to be opposed by convicting it of nonidentity with itself-of the nonidentity it denies, according to its own concept. Negative dialectics is thus tied to the supreme categories of identitarian philosophy as its point of departure. Thus, too, it remains false according to identitarian logic: it remains the thing against which it is conceived. It must correct itself in its critical course-a course affecting concepts which in negative dialectics are formally treated as if they came “first” for it, too (Adorno, 1973 [1966]: 147).

This position, as Adorno points out, is problematic in that the identitarian class convicting the totality of which it is apart remains the thing against which it is conceived. As in the case of black Americans and the Affranchis, their “negative dialectics,” their awareness of the contradictions of the heteronomous racial capitalist order did not foster a reconstitution of that order but a request that the order rid itself of a particular contradiction and allow their participation in the order, devoid of that particular contradiction, which prevented them from identifying with the Hegelian totality, i.e., that all men are created equal except the enslaved black American or the mulatto. The end result of this particular protest was in the reconfiguration of society (or the totality) in which those who exercised its reified consciousness, irrespective of skin-color, could partake in its order. In essence, the contradiction, as interpreted by the black Americans, and just the same the Affranchis, was not in the “pure” identity of the heteronomous order, which is reified as reality and existence as such, but in the praxis (as though praxis and structure are distinct) of the individuals, i.e., institutional regulators or power elites, who only allowed the participation of blacks within the order of things because they were “speaking subjects” (i.e., hybrids, who recursively organized and reproduced the agential moments of the social structure) as opposed to “silent natives” (i.e., the enslaved Africans of Bois Caïman). And herein rests the problem with attempting to reestablish an order simply based on what appears to be the contradictory practices of a reified consciousness. For in essence the totality is not “opposed by convicting it of nonidentity with itself-of the nonidentity it denies, according to its own concept,” but on the contrary, the particular is opposed by the constitutive subjects for not exercising its total identity. In the case of liberal black bourgeois America, the totality, American racial capitalist society, was opposed through a particularity, i.e., racism, which stood against their bourgeois identification with the whole. In such a case, the whole remains superior to its particularity, and it functions as such. The same holds true for the Affranchis of Haiti, but not for Boukman, the other participants of Bois Caïman, and Dessalines who went beyond the master/slave dialectic.

In order to go beyond this “mechanical” dichotomy, i.e., whole/part, subject/object, master/slave, universal/particular, society/individual, etc., by which society or more specifically the object formation of modernity up till this point in the human archaeological record has been constituted, so that society can be reconstituted wherein “Being” (Dasein, Martin Heidegger’s term) is nonsubjective and nonobjective, “organic” in the Habermasian sense, it is necessary, as Adorno points out, that the totality (which is not a “thing in itself”) be opposed, not however, as he sees it, “by convicting it of nonidentity with itself” as in the case of black America and the Affranchis or mulattoes, but by identifying it as a nonidentity identity that does not have the “natural right” to dictate identity in an absurd world with no inherent meaning or purpose except those which are constructed, via their bodies, language, ideology, and ideological apparatuses, by social actors operating within a reified sacred metaphysic. This is not what happened in black America or with the Affranchis or mulattoes of Haiti, but I am suggesting that this is what took place with the participants of Bois Caïman within the eighteenth century Enlightenment discourse of the whites and Affranchis.

The liberal black American and the Affranchis by identifying with the totality, which Adorno rightly argues is a result of the “universal rule of forms,” the idea that “a consciousness that feels impotent, that has lost confidence in its ability to change the institutions and their mental images, will reverse the conflict into identification with the aggressor” (Adorno, 1973 [1966], pg. 94), reconciled their double consciousness, i.e., the ambivalence that arises as a result of the conflict between subjectivity and forms (objectivity), by becoming “hybrid” Americans or mulattoes desiring to exercise the “pure” identity of the American and French totality and reject the contempt to which they were and are subject. The contradiction of slavery in the face of equality-the totality not identifying with itself-was seen as a manifestation of individual practices, since subjectively they were part of the totality, and not an absurd way of life inherent in the logic of the totality. Hence, their protest was against the practices of the totality, not the totality itself, since that would mean denouncing the consciousness that made them whole. On the contrary, Boukman, the participants at Bois Caïman, and Dessalines decentered or “convicted” the totality of French modernity not for not identifying with itself, but as an adverse “sacred-profaned” cultural possibility against their own “God-ordained” possibility (alternative object formation), Haitian/ Vilokan Idealism, which they were attempting to exercise in the world. This was the pact the participants of Bois Caïman made with their loas/lwa, Ezili Danto, when they swore to neither allow inequality on the island, nor worship the god’s of the whites “who has so often caused us to weep.” In fact, according to Haitian folklore, the lwa, Ezili Danto, who embodied Faitman, or Mambo Fatiman, descended from the heavens and joined the participants of Bois Caïman when they initially set-off to burn the plantations in 1791, but her tongue was subsequently removed by the other participants so that she would not reveal their secrets should she be captured by the whites. Haiti has never been able to live out this pact the participants of Bois Caïman made to Ezili Danto, given the liberal bourgeois Affranchis’s, backed by their former colonizers, America and France, claims to positions of economic and political power positions, which have resulted in the passage of modern rules and laws grounded in the Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism that have caused the majority of the people to weep in dire poverty as wage-laborers in an American dominated Protestant postindustrial capitalist world-system wherein the African masses are constantly being forced via ideological apparatuses such as Protestant missionary churches, industrial parks, tourism, and athletics, for examples, to adopt the liberal bourgeois Protestant ethos of the Affranchis and the black Americans against the Vodou ideology and its ideological apparatuses.

Read More About Lupine Publishers Journal of Archaeological Sciences Please Click on Below Link: